By David Oscar Markus
Judge David Leibowitz issued an important 31-page opinion today holding that Congress had no power to pass 18 U.S.C. § 611, the federal statute that makes it a crime for a non-citizen to vote in a federal election. The government alleged that Chelsea Cox voted in Broward County in 2020 knowing she was not a citizen. It charged her with a misdemeanor. Judge Leibowitz appointed Paul Clement's firm as amicus, ordered a second round of briefing, and held oral argument. Then he held the statute unconstitutional as applied to Cox and dismissed the Information.
You gotta read this entire opinion. It's awesome.
It opens:
This is an unusual criminal case. It rests upon a forty-year-old federal statute, 18 U.S.C. § 611, that prohibits the act of voting in a federal election by a non-U.S. citizen. Until very recently, no federal court has been presented with the following question about that statute: Did Congress have Constitutional authority to enact it?1 That’s unusual, all by itself.
But this case is even more unusual than that, because the Government’s principal defense of the statute’s constitutionality invokes a single Supreme Court case that is very, very weak. Let me say that a different way. The leading case cited by the Government to uphold the statute is of “minimal precedential value” (that’s not my characterization, it’s Justice Scalia’s; we’ll get to that), and the application of other binding precedent shows that the Government’s leading case simply does not control this one. So why does the Government lead with such a weak hand? Because it’s the best hand it can play. And why is that? Because the text, structure, and original public meaning of the Constitution show that Congress does not have the constitutional power to enact this statute.
Cox moved to dismiss and the government responded. Judge Leibowitz then Paul Clement and Chadwick Harper of Clement & Murphy as amicus curiae. They took it on pro bono. The order makes clear they weren't there for either side. Their job was to give the court "a thorough and candid view of the relevant legal authorities." Judge Leibowitz thanked them for acting "in the finest tradition of the federal bar."
The government's main argument was Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112 (1970), where the Supreme Court upheld Congress lowering the voting age to 18 for federal elections. The problem is that Mitchell had no majority rationale. Justice Black relied on the Elections Clause. Four other Justices relied on the Fourteenth Amendment. Five Justices rejected each theory. As Judge Leibowitz put it: "Here's the weird part, and it has real bite for our case."
He walked through Marks and the Eleventh Circuit cases applying it and concluded that Mitchell holds only that Congress can regulate voting age in federal elections. He rejected the government's broad reading. He also rejected Cox's position that Mitchell has no precedential value at all.
The government tried to wave off Justice Scalia's description of Mitchell in Arizona v. Inter Tribal Council as "of minimal precedential value." Dicta, said the government. Judge Leibowitz answered with Judge Carnes: "there is dicta and then there is dicta, and then there is Supreme Court dicta."
Article I, Section 2 and the Seventeenth Amendment tie voter qualifications for Congress to the qualifications each state sets for its own legislature. Article II leaves presidential electors to the states. The Framers considered giving Congress the power to set voter qualifications and said no. George Mason called it a power that "would be a dangerous [one] in the hands of the [federal] Legislature."
Section 611 has an "unless" clause that carves out state and local races where state or local law lets non-citizens vote. So § 611 bars non-citizens from federal races even in a state that lets them vote. Clement called that clause "the most damning textual evidence of Congress' overambitious intent." Judge Leibowitz agreed that § 611 is a voter qualification law. Neither the immigration power nor the Elections Clause saves it. As Justice Scalia wrote in ITCA, Congress may regulate "how federal elections are held, but not who may vote in them."
The amicus brief shows up all over the opinion. Clement's team flagged that § 611 validly reaches D.C. elections, which is why the court ruled only on the as-applied challenge. It rejected the government's reliance on a footnote in Kusper v. Pontikes. And it sketched the statute Congress could have written: one that makes it a federal crime to vote in violation of a state's voter qualifications. The court agreed it would "be difficult to identify a constitutional flaw" in that one.
It's a fun opinion to read. And there are a bunch of similar cases pending (one went to trial a few weeks ago before Judge Becerra and the defendant was acquitted). It will be interesting to see how this plays out.







