Awesome.
Here's the entire hearing. You can catch Michael at the 3:01 and 5:31 marks.
The SDFLA Blog is dedicated to providing news and notes regarding federal practice in the Southern District of Florida. The New Times calls the blog "the definitive source on South Florida's federal court system." All tips on court happenings are welcome and will remain anonymous. Please email David Markus at dmarkus@markuslaw.com
Awesome.
Here's the entire hearing. You can catch Michael at the 3:01 and 5:31 marks.
Very cool.
Earlier this week she was inducted into the Palmetto High Hall of Fame. The students must have gotten a kick seeing her speak in their auditorium. Even other HOF inductees, like the wonderful Katie Phang, snapped selfies with her:
It’s not every day you get inducted into your high school’s Hall of Fame with a Supreme Court Justice, but thank gosh I didn’t have to speak after her! 🥰
— Katie S. Phang (@KatiePhang) March 7, 2023
Thank you @palmetto_high for the honor and congrats to Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson and my fellow inductees! pic.twitter.com/OYwtKHaYrC
That’s Merrick Garland's favorite Taylor Swift song. Apparently he's a huge fan. Anyone with daughters, like Garland, can relate. From the WSJ:
If you live in the Village of Pinecrest--or any other municipality in Miami-Dade--you may want to read Judge Altman's recent order in Megladon, Inc. v. Village of Pinecrest and Miami-Dade County. Looks like Pinecrest was strong-arming new owners into effectively gifting the Village (or "dedicating," to use Pinecrest's term) 7 1/2 feet of their property. The leverage used was Pinecrest conditioning the approval of a certificate of occupancy on the "dedication." Instead of giving in, Megladon challenged the condition as violating the Florida Constitution's Takings Clause. Pinecrest threw out a host of defenses, the main one being that it had not taken anything yet because Megladon never gave in. Judge Altman rejected the argument, noting that the "whole point of the unconstitutional-conditions doctrine" was to prevent the government from "pressuring" a person into giving up a constitutional right. Worth a read, particularly if you want to keep your local friendly municipality off your lawn!
Order by John Byrne on Scribd
It was the big ABA White Collar shindig this week in Miami. 1200 white collar prosecutors, defense lawyers, and federal judges descended upon the Hyatt and mingled all week. DAG Lisa Monaco was also here. In addition to giving a speech at the conference, she sat down with Michael Caruso, Henry Bell, Margot Moss, and others as part of DOJ's "Gideon Tour." The Miami Herald has more:
Caruso, who oversees 50 assistant public defenders in the Southern District of Florida, described how the landmark Gideon decision and then passage of the Criminal Justice Act paved the way for indigent people to be represented by federally funded private attorneys and eventually public defenders in the 1960s. But at the meeting, Caruso highlighted shortcomings in the system, zeroing in on a defendant’s lack of access to a lawyer immediately after his arrest and placement in the Federal Detention Center. “In our district, an accused may not have a lawyer at various critical stages — like the initial appearance and bail hearing [in court],” Caruso said. “Those in prison — many of whom are seriously ill or who have a loved one who requires care-taking — may not have a lawyer to seek a compassionate release.
By Michael Caruso
Because David’s readers are the most informed in the district, you know that this year marks the 60th anniversary of the Supreme Court’s decision in Gideon v. Wainwright. “Governments, both state and federal, quite properly spend vast sums of money to establish machinery to try defendants accused of crime,” the Court found, and “reason and reflection require us to recognize that in our adversary system of criminal justice, any person haled into court, who is too poor to hire a lawyer, cannot be assured a fair trial unless counsel is provided for him.”
But people accused in federal court obtained the right to counsel twenty-five years earlier in Johnson v. Zerbst, and Gideon was a decision about incorporating the right and applying it to the states. Notwithstanding, Gideon profoundly affected the federal system. Before 1964 and the passage of the Criminal Justice Act (CJA), appointed attorneys were not paid to represent indigent federal defendants. Nor was there any funding for case-related expenses, much less investigators or experts. Gideon, along with the highly influential report of Professor Francis Allen (years later my 1st year Crim Law professor) to then-Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy (the Allen Report), was a significant reason for passage of the CJA and the creation of a funded federal defense system.
The Report’s words still ring true:
When government chooses to exert its powers in the criminal area, its obligation is surely no less than that of taking reasonable measures to eliminate those factors that are irrelevant to just administration of the law but which, nevertheless, may occasionally affect determinations of the accused’s liability or penalty. While government may not be required to relieve the accused of his poverty, it may properly be required to minimize the influence of poverty on its administration of justice. The essence of the adversary system is challenge. Survival of our system of criminal justice and the values which it advances depends upon a constant, searching, and creative questioning of official decisions and assertions of authority at all stages of the process. The proper performance of the defense function is thus as vital to the health of the system as the performance of the prosecuting and adjudicatory functions. It follows that insofar as the financial status of the accused impedes vigorous and proper challenges, it constitutes a threat to the viability of the adversary system. We believe that the system is imperiled by the large numbers of accused persons unable to employ counsel or to meet even modest bail requirements and by the large, but indeterminate, numbers of persons, able to pay some part of the costs of defense, but unable to finance a full and proper defense.
The Allen Report proposed legislation that became the template for the landmark (CJA). The Report was submitted to Attorney General Kennedy on February 25, 1963, three weeks before the Supreme Court decided Gideon.
The CJA was not fully completed, however, until 1970. The original statute did not create federal public defender offices but relied solely on assigned private attorneys paid by the hour. The Department of Justice and the Judicial Conference convened another study in 1967, and the subsequent findings contained in the Oaks Report recommended Congress amend the CJA to include public defender offices. The bill passed, and aside from occasional minor amendments, the current structure of federal public defense has remained the same ever since.
By John R. Byrne:
Last Friday, the Court held its annual Black History Month event. Kozyak Tropin partner Detra Shaw-Wilder moderated a panel comprised of Judge Graham, Marilyn Holifield, and Markenzy Lapointe that discussed the advancement of Black lawyers in South Florida. The ceremonial courtroom was packed and, though the conversation was serious for the most part, there were some laughs to be had (as illustrated by the photo!).
A good portion of the event served as a tribute to the late Judge Cooke, who was the first Black female federal judge in the State of Florida (2004, if you can believe that). Judges Altonaga, Gayles, Graham, and Williams—along with Enjoliqué Aytch Lett, a former law clerk—gave heartfelt speeches about her. She was loved by many and her absence will be felt at the Wilkie D. and beyond.