With the Republicans picking up seats in the Senate and Rick Scott flipping Florida to a two-GOP Senate state, it will be that much easier for Trump to push his judiciary picks. The three pending district court judges should be confirmed shortly. And it will be interesting to see how quickly those two open seats get nominees.
Florida amended its constitution to allow for restoration of felon voting rights. Republicans aren't happy about that one and are promising litigation. But that will likely be in state court.
Two House seats in the SDFLA flipped blue (Shalala and Mucarsel-Powell). Barzee-Flores couldn't flip the third seat though.
In non-election news,
here's a federal judge who allowed jury nullification arguments in a child porn prosecution:
"This is a shocking case. This is a case that calls for jury nullification."
Many have had similar reactions when confronting
cases involving authorities running roughshod over people with bad
laws, punitive sentences, and ill-considered prosecutions. But this
time, the person invoking jury nullification was a federal judge—District Judge Stefan R. Underhill of the District of Connecticut—and he spoke in court about a case over which he presided.
The prosecution that shocked Underhill involves Yehudi Manzano, a 30-something man charged with producing and transporting
child pornography after saving, and then deleting, a video of his
teenage sex partner to and from his own phone and its associated Google
cloud account. "The only people who ever saw it were the guy who made
it, the girl who was in it, and the federal agents," Norman Pattis,
Manzano's attorney, told me.
But that, prosecutors say in the indictment, was enough for the
federal government to proceed with charges under the assumption that
Manzano acted "knowing and having reason to know that: such visual
depiction would be transported and transmitted using any means and
facility of interstate and foreign commerce." And that's important,
because the mandatory minimum sentence under federal law for recording
video of sex with an underage partner is 15 years.
That draconian sentence—independent of what was in store in the
entirely separate state trial for sex with a minor—was too much for
Judge Underhill. "I am absolutely stunned that this case, with a 15-year
mandatory minimum, has been brought by the government," he said in
court. "I am going to be allowed no discretion at sentencing to consider
the seriousness of this conduct, and it is extremely unfortunate that
the power of the government has been used in this way, to what end I'm
not sure."
Judge Underhill acknowledged that he's not allowed to encourage jury
nullification, but "if evidence comes in about the length of the
sentence, or if Mr. Pattis chooses to argue, I do not feel I can
preclude that. I don't feel I'm required to preclude that. And I think
justice requires that I permit that."
The judge's appeal to jury nullification as a remedy for runaway
prosecution didn't come out of the blue. Defense counsel and prosecutors
had already sparred over the case's rather tenuous connection to
interstate commerce, by which the federal government claimed
jurisdiction.
"Apparently, the mere fact that the recording equipment was
manufactured outside Connecticut is sufficient to meet the interstate
commerce requirement of the statute," Judge Underhill noted in surprise.
They also tussled over the extent to which jurors should be informed of
the long years in prison that awaited Manzano upon conviction.
"Juries exist for a reason," Pattis argued in court. "They stand
between the government and the accused, and they provide the accused
with an opportunity to hold the government to its burden of proof. And
in certain trials in our history, juries have done more than that.
They've said the law is wrong, and we, the people, say it's wrong."
In response to that, Neeraj N. Patel bluntly told the court
on behalf of the U.S. Attorney's office, "you should take steps to
prevent jury nullification and not inform the jury of the sentencing
consequences."
I'm not sure why the judge did not just Rule 29 the case after the government rested. There's no appeal and it's a way for the judiciary to check the executive on absurd prosecutions.