Here's the 93-page order, which starts this way: "Former President Trump’s Motion to Dismiss Indictment Based on the Unlawful Appointment and Funding of Special Counsel Jack Smith is GRANTED in accordance with this Order [ECF No. 326]. The Superseding Indictment is DISMISSED because Special Counsel Smith’s appointment violates the Appointments Clause of the United States Constitution. U.S. Const., Art. II, § 2, cl. 2. Special Counsel Smith’s use of a permanent indefinite appropriation also violates the Appropriations Clause, U.S. Const., Art. I, § 9, cl. 7, but the Court need not address the proper remedy for that funding violation given the dismissal on Appointments Clause grounds. The effect of this Order is confined to this proceeding."
From the Introduction:
The Motion before the Court challenges the legality of Special Counsel Smith (hereinafter, “Special Counsel Smith” or “Special Counsel”) in two consequential respects, both of which are matters of first impression in this Circuit, and both of which must be resolved before this prosecution proceeds further [ECF No. 326]. The first is a challenge to his appointment under the Appointments Clause, which provides the exclusive means for appointing “Officers of the United States.” Article II, § 2, cl. 2. The Appointments Clause sets as a default rule that all “Officers of the United States”—whether “inferior” or “principal”—must be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. Id. It then goes on to direct that “Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in Heads of Departments.” Id. For purposes of this Order, the Court accepts the Special Counsel’s contested view that he qualifies as an “inferior Officer,” not a “principal” one, although the Court expresses reservations about that proposition and addresses those arguments below. The Motion’s second challenge is rooted in the Appropriations Clause, which prohibits any money from being “drawn from the Treasury” unless such funding has been appropriated by an act of Congress. Art. I, § 9, cl. 7 (“No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law. . . .”). Both the Appointments and Appropriations challenges as framed in the Motion raise the following threshold question: is there a statute in the United States Code that authorizes the appointment of Special Counsel Smith to conduct this prosecution? After careful study of this seminal issue, the answer is no. None of the statutes cited as legal authority for the appointment— 28 U.S.C. §§ 509, 510, 515, 533—gives the Attorney General broad inferior-officer appointing power or bestows upon him the right to appoint a federal officer with the kind of prosecutorial power wielded by Special Counsel Smith. Nor do the Special Counsel’s strained statutory arguments, appeals to inconsistent history, or reliance on out-of-circuit authority persuade otherwise.
The bottom line is this: The Appointments Clause is a critical constitutional restriction stemming from the separation of powers, and it gives to Congress a considered role in determining the propriety of vesting appointment power for inferior officers. The Special Counsel’s position effectively usurps that important legislative authority, transferring it to a Head of Department, and in the process threatening the structural liberty inherent in the separation of powers. If the political branches wish to grant the Attorney General power to appoint Special Counsel Smith to investigate and prosecute this action with the full powers of a United States Attorney, there is a valid means by which to do so. He can be appointed and confirmed through the default method prescribed in the Appointments Clause, as Congress has directed for United States Attorneys throughout American history, see 28 U.S.C. § 541, or Congress can authorize his appointment through enactment of positive statutory law consistent with the Appointments Clause. This Order proceeds as follows. After laying forth pertinent factual and procedural background leading to the present Motion, the Court summarizes the legal principles underlying the Appointments Clause and the separation-of-powers doctrine on which it rests. The Court then surveys the statutory structure of the Department of Justice, focusing on the provisions which grant the Attorney General appointment authority. Following that contextual summary, the Court engages with the text, context, and structure of each of the statutes cited in the Appointment Order. Finding no officer-appointing authority in the cited statutes—and seeing no reason in the mixed historical record to deviate from the absence of such authority—the Court addresses the Supreme Court’s dictum with respect to those statutes in United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 694 (1974). As the Nixon decision and record bear out, the Attorney General’s statutory appointment authority, or the matter of the Appointments Clause more generally, was not raised, argued, disputed, or analyzed; at most, the Supreme Court assumed without deciding that the Attorney General possessed statutory appointment authority over the special prosecutor involved in that action. Following the discussion of Nixon and related out-of-circuit precedent, the Court turns to the question whether Special Counsel Smith is a principal officer requiring Presidential nomination and Senatorial consent. On that issue, although there are compelling arguments in favor of a principal-officer designation given the regulatory framework under which he operates, the Court rejects the position based on the available Supreme Court guidance. The Court then examines the question of remedy, concluding that dismissal of this action is the only appropriate solution for the Appointments Clause violation. Finally, the Court considers the Appropriations Clause challenge to the funding of Special Counsel Smith, concluding for many of the same reasons that Congress has not authorized the appropriation of money to be drawn for the expenses of his office. The Order concludes there, finding it unnecessary under the current posture to reach the remedy question for the Appropriations Clause violation.
From the Conclusion:
Upon careful study of the foundational challenges raised in the Motion, the Court is convinced that Special Counsel’s Smith’s prosecution of this action breaches two structural cornerstones of our constitutional scheme—the role of Congress in the appointment of constitutional officers, and the role of Congress in authorizing expenditures by law. The Framers gave Congress a pivotal role in the appointment of principal and inferior officers. That role cannot be usurped by the Executive Branch or diffused elsewhere—whether in this case or in another case, whether in times of heightened national need or not. In the case of inferior officers, that means that Congress is empowered to decide if it wishes to vest appointment power in a Head of Department, and indeed, Congress has proven itself quite capable of doing so in many other statutory contexts. But it plainly did not do so here, despite the Special Counsel’s strained statutory readings. Nor does his appeal to inconsistent “historical practice” supplant the absence of textual authorization for his appointment. The same structural emphases resonate in the context of the Appropriation Clause, which “embodies a fundamental separation of powers principle—subjugating the executive branch to the legislatures power of the purse.” All American, 33 F.4th at 221 (Jones, J., concurring). In the end, it seems the Executive’s growing comfort in appointing “regulatory” special counsels in the more recent era has followed an ad hoc pattern with little judicial scrutiny. Perhaps this can be traced back to reliance on stray dictum in Nixon that perpetuated in subsequent cases. Perhaps it can be justified practically by the urgency of national crises. Or perhaps it can be explained by the relative infrequency of these types of investigations, by congressional inattention, or by the important roles that special-counsel-like figures have played in our country’s history. Regardless of the explanation, the present Motion requires careful analysis of the statutory landscape to ensure compliance with the Constitution, and the Court has endeavored to do so with care. The Court thus returns to where it started. The Appointments Clause is “among the significant structural safeguards of the constitutional scheme.” Edmond, 520 U.S. at 659. So too is the Appropriations Clause, which carefully separates Congressional control of the “purse” from Executive control of the “sword.” The Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton). The consequences of relaxing either of those critical provisions are serious, both in this case and beyond. As Justice Frankfurter explained in his opinion in Youngstown, “[t]he accretion of dangerous power does not come in a day. It does come, however slowly, from the generative force of unchecked disregard of the restrictions that fence in even the most disinterested assertion of authority.” Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 594 (1952) (Frankfurter, J., concurring). “[I]llegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing . . . by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure.” Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616, 635 (1886).
Cue 11th Cir.:
ReplyDelete"The Court will hold Oral argument on this matter on January 22, 2025 in the event a Presidential pardon does not issue on January 20 or 21."
Now they have a reason to recuse her.
ReplyDeleteAn adverse ruling is a valid reason to recuse?
DeleteTotal cop out. Everyone knows she couldn’t handle the case and has been looking for a way out.
ReplyDeletePoor liberals. All sitting Shiva. Suck it up. Or, see if the 11th cir views it differently. Although I suspect DOJ will prefer to wait for the ability to go to DC Cir.
ReplyDeleteLiberals.. this is about the rule of law. I've practiced over 40 years.. seen judges recuse when a cousin owned a
DeleteShare of stock to avoid the appearance of bias..not to celebrate it. This is a legal blog. We support the constitution. Its not about liberals or conservatives. U are on the wrong blog.. my brothers and sisters stand for the law..not politics. Being a lawyer is not about politics. My mentor taught me that. Go away.. u diminish our honorable profession and clearly are not acting as a lathar.
Meh, I said it at the beginning and I'll say it again now - Biden should have pardoned Trump for this case. It's not like Trump was giving the information to state enemies.
ReplyDeleteBiden could have just had the FBI take the documents back, pardoned Trump (who would now have no documents), and declared victory while also showing letting all of the air out of the bullshit rigged justice arguments that Trump loves to throw around. It might have even lead to the felony conviction in NY having more sting.
But Biden dropped the ball and now Trump gets the W.
Trump has so much momentum now that it's crazy.
In other news, I bet the clerks that resigned from Cannon are kicking themselves. You have to imagine that she is a shoe-in for elevation in 2025.
Will Lapointe submit to grand jury and refile?
ReplyDeleteIf the clerks resigned on principle they are not kicking themselves.
ReplyDeleteNo, they resigned because she treated them like they were slaves!
DeleteBy all accounts, the clerks resigned because the job sucked, Judge Cannon is a terrible boss, and the Judge had no regards for the clerk's greater obligations (like parenting). If you call that resigning on principle, fine. But whether it was principle or not, they may find that they were "dead right" to resign. For those that don't know the correct meaning of "dead right," it's not that you are perfectly correct, it's that your principled decision screwed you, like a pedestrian crossing the street with the right of way who refuses to yield to an on-coming car - the pedestrian is "dead right" that he has the right of way before being killed in the collision. Had the clerks stuck it out for a few more months - maybe a year - they'd be in a position to have the recommendation of a 43 year old rising star (in the eyes of the likely next administration) who will almost certainly be on the 11th, and may be appointed to the SCOTUS. Dead right to have resigned on principle.
ReplyDeleteThat "treatise" of hers is her audition for a higher court. She could have just as easily drawn stick figures... she got to the result Trump wanted... can the Court and USMS stop wasting money amd let Ms. Daisy drive herself to and from work now?!
DeleteThe dead right comment is so cynical. Sell yourself out for the recommendation of someone who sold the rule of law out. No thanks.
DeleteIronic that Cannon says deviations from normal legal procedure lead to tyranny. However, the ongoing debate over whether Cannon is wrong all the time mostly because she is corrupt or mostly because she is unqualified will have to continue. To me the grandiosity of thinking she has solved a big problem with constitutional law is an homage to the current Supreme Court majority who wants to think stalling Trump's prosecution for some slightly exaggerated noncontroversial truisms is a decision for the ages.
ReplyDelete@1034 you say "cynical" and "sold out the rule of law." I say "realistic" and "disagree with the conclusion" while allowing the rule of law to play out through appeals and elections. tOmato/tomAto.
ReplyDeleteSuck it up. All of you probably think that Judge Chutkin is a gift from the judicial gods. If you think that Jack Smith is constitututionally appointed, let's hear why, not just the usual liberal drivel. Remember, it is only the wonderfully moral Democrats who try to put their political opponents in jail or keep them off the ballot, and if they are not on the correct page, like RFK Jr, well then even though his dad and uncle wee assassinated and he is a perfect target before a nut like the one who went for Trump, he does not get Secret Service Protection. But, remember Dr Jill Biden Ed.D was in Pittsburgh and needed to be protected that same day and Trump is only a candidate. Maybe they can take part of their Inflation reduction Act billions and get a common radio frequency for everyone who is guarding a protectee.
ReplyDelete@152 - well, let's be fair. The liberals love to cry, but there's only one candidate who is a convicted felon and who tried to overthrow a legitimate and lawful election. So, there's that.
ReplyDeleteAnd don't give that "only Democrats try to put their opponents in jail." John Edwards was prosecuted for the same crime on almost the same set of facts that Trump was convicted of. Hunter Biden was just convicted of, effectively, owning a gun while being a drug addict. And let's not forget MAGA world literally screaming to "LOCK HER UP" when Hillary Clinton had the temerity to be a liberal woman running for president.
Mr. Tucker, what on earth are you talking about and who are you talking to. To be clear, this is not an attack. I am just a reader who doesn't understand your comment. Take a breath and maybe take another shot at it.
ReplyDeleteAgree, his comment was nonsensical.
Delete@310 Gee, I thought you had to be sentenced to be a convicted felon. And, how long do you think that conviction will stand? As to Hunter Biden, he was a drug addict who purchased a gun, but a protected drug addict that was not prosecuted for being a foreign agent because his drooling old man is president. Edwards was prosecuted for violating federal campaign laws, but never was convicted.
ReplyDeleteYou guys should envoy your last several months of righteousness. Thank God for Democrats. Otherwise we would be in a world of really bad guys without any light at the end of the tunnel.
By the way, whenever did a Republican President try to jail a political opponent?
@8:48PM What alleged crime did a Republican president give a political opponent a pass on?
Delete848 you thought wrong, you are a convicted felon when a jury unanimously finds you guilty beyond a reasonable doubt of a felony, sentencing follows but convicted felon status does not depend on being sentenced. Unless and until the conviction is vacated, Trump is a convicted felon.
ReplyDeleteI apologize for the confusion. A lesson in not posting when taking medical tests. The comment was directed at the "anonymous" person who posted this:
ReplyDeleteAnonymous said...
Poor liberals. All sitting Shiva. Suck it up. Or, see if the 11th cir views it differently. Although I suspect DOJ will prefer to wait for the ability to go to DC Cir.
Sorry, a lesson never to post when under going medical tests. We have a wonderful blog where we have an incredible opportunity to learn from legal giants. The comment occurred as we were still mourning the loss of Neal Sonnett, who taught me never, ever to involve politics in representing a client. How many districts have a blog where we get to hear podcasts from great lawyers and judges and read opinions from some the greatest legal minds in the country. I am suggesting that there are plenty of other blogs to spew your political opinions. This is not and should not be one of them.